Video: Understanding Right-Wing Populism in Finland

This post originally appeared on EA Worldview


In the fifth and final interview in Populism in Action’s first video series, Finland-focused Research Fellow Niko Hatakka explains the position and aspirations of the right-wing populist Finns Party.

Niko explains that, having moved from center-left to right in recent years, with a change of leadership in 2017, the Finns Party has undertaken development of organization and a social media strategy. At the same time, the Party’s members are often “loose” or “unaffiliated”, with their own political and ideological positions influencing the leadership.

So what chance of the Finns Party returning to a coalition Government?

Before Niko’s interview, I ask Stijn van Kessel, co-director of the Populism in Action Project, how European right-wing populist parties will respond to the UK’s impending departure from the European Union.

Video: Understanding Right-Wing Populism in Italy

This post originally appeared on EA Worldview


PiAP’s Principal Investigator Daniele Albertazzi talks with the project’s Research Fellow for Italy, Mattia Zulianello, about his research on the League Party led by Matteo Salvini.

The discussion considers three core themes around the League’s rapid development and prominence in Italian politics and society.

How and why the League is attempting to export its model of mass party organisation from its initial base in northern Italy to the south?

What are the challenges of expansion into the south for a regional party now seeking to be national?

How can the League meet that challenge with the combination of its use of “new media” and its offline activity?

Video: Understanding Right-Wing Populism in Belgium

This post originally appeared on EA Wordview


Scott Lucas talks with the Populism in Action Project’s Judith Sijstermans about right-wing populism in Belgium. How is the Flemish Interest (Vlaams Belang) party seeking to expand its support in Flanders and across the country?

Before the interview, Scott chats with PiAP’s Stijn van Kessel about how Black Lives Matter is influencing the approach of right-wing populist parties, including in The Netherlands.

Coming Soon: A Special Issue on Populism Edited by PiAP’s Albertazzi and Van Kessel

PiAP’s Daniele Albertazzi and Stijn van Kessel are editing a special issue of the open-access journal Politics and Governance for publication in 2021.

The issue will be the first substantial presentation of PiAP’s research findings, exploring the organization and form that mass membership, right-wing populist parties adopt in western Europe.

In addition to focusing on the Project’s cases of Belgium, Finland, Italy, and Switzerland, the articles will make a major contribution to comparative understanding of right-wing populist parties more broadly. Thanks to a number of articles written by scholars from outside the research team, the special issue will also examine cases in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, Spain, and Slovakia. This will be one of the most extensive studies of how right wing populist parties organize, motivate and relate to their members and most committed supporters.

Contributions will examine:

1) To what extent and how the parties seek to develop a mass party-type organisation.

2) To what extent do the parties remain centralized in decision-making, including ideological direction, campaigning, and internal procedures.

3) Whether we can observe meaningful variation between older and newer RWPPs, and between RWPPs in long-established West European democracies and those in post-communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe.

Between now and the publication of the special issue, we will continue to explore these questions through PiAP on EA WorldViewon Twitter, and on Facebook.

A “Great Identity Crisis” Complicates Belgium’s Colonial and Racial Reckoning

By Judith Sijstermans (PiAP Belgium focused Research Fellow) – this post originally appeared on EA Worldview 


In Belgium, a petition to remove statues of King Leopold II has accrued more than 80,000 signatures. In response to this and the Black Lives Matter protests across the country, Belgium’s King Philippe expressed his regrets for the “wounds of the past”, breaking the Royal Family’s 60-year silence on the atrocities committed in the Congo under Leopold’s rule.

Belgium’s populist radical right party, Vlaams Belang (VB, Flemish Interest), has distanced itself from the King’s statement and the BLM movement. The party supports Flemish independence from the Belgian state. As VB member of the Belgian Parliament, Wouter Vermeersch, explained to Politico: “The Flemish people had nothing to do with Belgium’s colonial history.”

In the reckoning over Belgium’s colonial past, Vlaams Belang is positioning itself at the intersection of the ideologies of sub-state nationalism, republicanism, and populism.

Vlaams Belang was the second-largest Flemish party in Belgium’s 2019 elections, with success built on its critique of Belgium’s migration policies. The party regained issue ownership over immigration after pressuring its closest competitor, right-wing Flemish nationalist Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (N-VA), to leave the ruling Belgian coalition in response to the UN Migration Pact.

Vlaams Belang suggests that BLM is a “projection” of American problems and emphasizes that people should be proud of Flanders’ “unique and high-quality civilization”. They argue that criticism of colonialism is hypocritical, unfairly targeting Western civilization without considering human rights violations outside the Western world.

The Layers of Past and Present

In the last five years, VB’s leadership has begun to moderate its language. Individuals in the party have been more outspoken over Black Lives Matter. Long-time figurehead Filip Dewinter wrote on Twitter:

They want to make #Europe #Africa….Anyone who, as a foreigner, thinks that our country is racist and colonialist, should return to his country of origin where everything is better.

But the party’s approach to Belgium’s colonial history is more nuanced than an emphasis on criticizing how migration has been managed in the country.

Its stance intersects with the communitarian divisions between Flanders and Wallonia in Belgian politics. The VB originally emerged from the Flemish nationalist community, and support for Flemish independence from the Belgian state is still one of its key policies.

MP Vermeersch noted in another interview: “This is part of the history of Belgium,” arguing that it is important to recognize this history rather than erasing it. Underpinning the statement is an important implication: this is not the history of Flanders.

Furthermore, Vlaams Belang is a republican party and rejects the monarchy. The latter, the VB has argued, should apologize for colonization: not the Belgian people, “let alone the Flemish people”. Vermeersch continues, in the Politico interview: “It was the royal family and the French-speaking haute finance who were responsible for this. If someone has to pay for mistakes in the past, it’s them.”

VB’s response thus brings together various elites — the monarchy, the French-speaking economic elite, the Belgian state — and places the responsibility for Belgium’s colonial past squarely on their shoulders. This highlights the way in which the VB mobilizes a populist discourse of the “people versus the elite” and seeks to be the mouthpiece for those they identify as “the people”.

Before this discussion, political elites had been muted about Belgium’s colonial history. Historian Idesbald Goddeeris explains that this silence results in part from the “great identity crisis” of the country.

With the rise of the Flemish nationalist N-VA since 2009 and the re-emergence of the VB since 2018, criticisms of Belgium’s colonial past “can easily be interpreted as criticism of Belgium as a whole”. Speaking out on the issue carries particular sensitivities for political elites, from across the ideological spectrum, who are navigating the country’s communitarian divides.

Debates around Belgium’s colonial past are shaped by this complicated set of dynamics. They serve as a reminder that the ideologies of populist radical right parties in Europe should not be reduced to nativism or criticism of immigration policies. Rather, Vlaams Belang’s fundamental tradition of republicanism and Flemish nationalism builds a more complex, layered idea of who “the people” are.

Video: Populism and Media — From Poland to Switzerland

This post originally appeared on EA Worldview

How are Europe’s populist parties using media in their pursuit of power?

With Presidential election results in Poland pointing to divides between older and younger voters, Scott Lucas talks to the Populism in Action Project’s Adrian Favero and Daniele Albertazzi about another European country with similar dynamics: Switzerland.

Adrian explains how the organizational model and organizing strategies adopted by the Swiss People’s Party effectively target key demographic groups voting for it, mainly by using traditional media and face-to-face interaction on the ground rather than focusing exclusively on online and social media.

PiAP’s Mattia Zulianello Awarded Italian Habilitation

The Populism in Action Project’s Mattia Zulianello has been awarded his Italian National Scientific Habilitation.

The Habilitation was granted with the unanimous assent of the Review Committee. The recognition enables Mattia to hold the post of Associate Professor in Political Science at any Italian University.

Mattia is PiAP’s specialist Research Fellow on Italy. His latest article for the Project, co-written with Daniele Albertazzi, is “Populism and the Collapse of Italy’s Coronavirus Truce“.

Has Coronavirus Exposed the Weakness of Populist Radical Right Parties?

Spain’s El Confidencial speaks with PiAP’s Daniele Albertazzi as part of a lengthy examination of the populist radical right today.

Albertazzi explains that, amid Coronavirus:

Cultural and identity issues, which are the ones on which populist radical right parties focus, inevitably become far less relevant to voters when they are fearing for their own lives. Then issues of competence and credibility take center stage instead.

Refugees, ships crossing the Mediterranean and the threat allegedly posed by Catalan separatists to Spanish national identity do not seem that urgent if you cannot even get out of your apartment or are scared that a trip to the supermarket will kill you.

And populist radical right parties are not generally seen as particularly competent in handling existential crises.

Other specialists quoted in the article include Nonna Mayer, Cas Mudde, Pippa Norris, Guillermo Fernández-Vázquez, and Giovanni Orsina.

“Greta Thunberg Is Not A Climate Populist”

The Political Quarterly publishes an analysis by PiAP’s Mattia Zulianello, and Diego Ceccobelli about the ecological activism of Greta Thunberg.

Zulianello and Ceccobelli explain that Thunberg’s “message is far from being a case of populism”. Instead, its “substantially different set of ideas” are an ecocentrism focused on technology and the scientific voice rather than on a populist appeal.

However, the authors do find a similar emphasis between Thunberg and populism on a moralist view of the world, a Manichean vision of good v. evil, and a tendency to personalization.

Read full article….

A New Leader for Italy’s Political Right?

The Financial Times draws on the expertise of Populism in Action Project’s Daniele Albertazzi as it assesses the challenge of Giorgia Meloni to Matteo Salvini’s leadership of right-wing politics in Italy.

Meloni’s party has risen to 16.2% in polling, compared to 6.5% in last year’s European elections. Salvini’s League has fallen to 24.3% in polls after taking 34.3% in the elections.

Albertazzi’s assessment is that:

Arguably the voters that Meloni is taking from Salvini were naturally hers all along. Salvini was the one who transformed his party from a regionalist party to a nationalist one. She is now winning back the voters who were voting for the earlier post-fascist parties in the past.

This does not mean that Meloni will necessarily supplant Salvini as the leader of the right in the short term.

“I don’t think anyone is expecting her to become prime minister at this stage,” Albertazzi assesses. “But if she continues like this, it’s certainly not impossible. And if she does, I expect her to project a far more moderate image than many would expect.”

Read full article….