Britain extradites three Tunisians to Italy

Three Tunisian men accused of having terrorist ties were extradited from Britain to Milan, Italy.  Italian prosecutors have accused Habib Ignaoua, Mohamed Khemiri, and Ali Chehidi of proselytizing, using politico-religious indoctrination with the aim of committing terrorist acts, facilitating illegal immigration, and creating false documents. The three men were arrested in London and Manchester in 2007, after warrants for their arrests had been issued via Milan. Two of the suspects – Ignaoua and Khemiri, have been previously tried and convicted in Tunisia with terrorism-related offences.

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Reuters

Agence France Presse

BBC

French Magazine Express International Banned in North Africa – Some Claim it Offends Islam

This week’s issue of L’Express International, a French newsmagazine, has been banned in Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco, on the grounds that its cover story “The Jesus-Muhammad Shock” is offensive to Islam. The story title is the same as a book covered in the story. The newsweekly’s staff claim that they attempted to portray Islam’s prophet, Muhammad, with adherence to Islamic norms by covering his face with a white veil.

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International Herald Tribune

International Herald Tribune

L’Express

Macleans Magazine

Associated Press

French Magazine Express International Banned in North Africa – Some Claim it Offends Islam

This week’s issue of L’Express International, a French newsmagazine, has been banned in Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco, on the grounds that its cover story “The Jesus-Muhammad Shock” is offensive to Islam. The story title is the same as a book covered in the story. The newsweekly’s staff claim that they attempted to portray Islam’s prophet, Muhammad, with adherence to Islamic norms by covering his face with a white veil.

See full-text articles:

International Herald Tribune

L’Express

Macleans Magazine

Associated Press

President Sarkozy Praises Tunisia’s Fight Against Extremists and Advances on Human Rights

French President Nicolas Sarkozy praised Tunisia for its fight against Islamic extremists adding that it is a laboratory for an open Arabo-Muslim society that respects its identity. Sarkozy’s comments received criticism from human rights groups like the Tunisan Association of Democratic Women. Its spokesperson, Khadija Cherif, explained she was disappointed Sarkozy had given priority to business. Tunisair announced a deal to purchase 16 aircraft from European plane-maker Airbus, and French and Tunisian officials signed an accord that could lead to the construction of a nuclear power plant in Tunisia.

Al-Qaeda extends deadline for Austrian hostages

Kidnappers repeat their call for freeing Islamists held in Algeria, Tunisia in exchange for Austrians’ freedom. Austria vowed Monday to press on with efforts to free two nationals seized by an Al-Qaeda group in north Africa, while the kidnappers were said to have extended a deal-making deadline into next month. “It is an additional extension of two weeks that will expire on Sunday, April 6, 2008, at midnight,” the Al-Qaeda Organization in the Islamic Maghreb said in a message posted on militant websites and picked up by the US-based monitoring group SITE Intelligence. When this “final” extension expires, “we will have exhausted what we could bear. Let Austria, Tunisia and Algeria be responsible for the lives of the kidnapped,” the message said. The group also repeated its original demand that a number of Islamists imprisoned in Algeria and Tunisia be released in exchange for the Austrians’ freedom. “The conditions of the mujahedeen regarding the release of some of our hostages in return for the release of the kidnapped are still the same and did not change, even while some of the newspapers that are used to lying claim otherwise,” the message said. Sim Wissgott reports.

Al Qaeda gives Austria ultimatum on hostages’ release

Al Qaeda’s North African wing said on Thursday it had given Austria three days to secure the release of some of its members held in Algeria and Tunisia in return for two Austrian hostages it was holding. The group said in a statement posted on an Islamist Web site that it had informed the Austrian government of the ultimatum which will start at midnight on Thursday, without giving a time zone. “Austria would be responsible for the lives of the two hostages should the deadline come and our demands are not met,” it said, adding that the demands and a list of the names of the prisoners were sent to Vienna through unidentified mediators. The group posted pictures of the man and woman, whom it says it seized on February 22, surrounded by armed militants in a desert area. The face of the woman who wore a blue head scarf was digitally blurred, apparently to abide with an austere interpretation of Islam which says women should cover their faces. Inal Ersan and by Mark Heinrich in Vienna

Mosque with 25-metre minarets to be constructed in Marseille

One of the largest mosques in France will soon find a home in the southern port city of Marseille, serving over 2,000 worshippers. The city’s mayor symbolically handed over the mosque’s key to Nordine Cheikh, commencing the start of renovation initiative. The mosque is expected to cost around eight million euro. Cheikh, the president of the association of the Great Mosque, expects that it will be ready to open in 2010. About one quarter of the city’s 800,000 residents are Muslims, of which around 40,000 are believed to be actively practicing – mostly with backgrounds veined in Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco. There are already about 60 mosques in the city, though most of these are situated in old buildings, shops, and warehouses.

France tells Algeria where independence war mines are buried

France has given Algeria details of where its forces laid some three million landmines half a century ago. Put in place to prevent independence fighters from infiltrating the then French colony, the mines remain nestled along Algeria’s borders with Morocco and Tunisia. French officials state the move as a gesture to improve French-Algerian diplomatic ties.

Italian Prison Warily Allows Muslims To Pray; European Jails Often Are Breeding Grounds For Radical Islam

Milan — The guards, heavy brass keys swinging from their belts, open and shut the metal gates to each floor of the labyrinthine Bollate prison as the Muslim call to prayer echoes in the corridors. Prisoners rush to the makeshift mosques that have sprouted in every building. At the end of the hall on the fourth floor of Building 1, a hand-lettered paper sign proclaims, in Italian, “moschea” — mosque. Furnishings inside are sparse, just three green prayer rugs, pointing eastward, and on the wall a plaque with verses from the Quran. Abdelfattah Jendoubi, serving a sentence on drug charges, throws on a dishdasha shirt, pulls off his shoes and makes his way to the room. The 42-year-old Tunisian is joined by two other men. He is apologetic, saying turnout is better on Fridays. Generally, though, younger Muslims in the prison are not very religious, he says. He hopes to change that. “I want to teach the young beautiful things,” he says, but it is unclear whether authorities, who lack Arabic speakers to monitor his preaching, would agree with his definition of beauty. “They have to change their lives. God wants them to leave the life of crime.” Jendoubi’s mission is a difficult one: reaching out to the young men confined within these sterile walls on the outskirts of a city known the world over as Italy’s vibrant fashion capital. About 30 percent of the inmates in Bollate are Muslim, officials say; that’s in a country where Muslims make up just 2 percent of the population of 58 million, although there is a higher concentration of them in northern Italy around Milan. Their burgeoning numbers in prison are a reproach to Europe’s efforts to integrate its immigrants, and a boost to radical imams and hard-core militants who use cellblocks to attract followers and spread a doctrine of violence. Many of the Muslim inmates in Bollate arrived in Italy alone, sometimes as young as 14, hoping to find an uncle or a cousin, or even a distant relative, and burdened with the overly optimistic expectations of their family back in Morocco, or Tunisia or Algeria. Once in Italy, they can find themselves trapped in a vicious circle. Unable to obtain proper work and residency documents, they live on the fringes, perhaps turning to crime to survive. Marginalized in society, they are doubly marginalized in prison, outsiders in an institution where Italian clout and influence are supreme. Their hopes of sending money to families who sacrificed to send them to Europe are vanquished. They probably will be deported, and going home as ex-cons will bring shame. That fate probably awaits Bilel Sefir, an inmate with an air of quiet desperation. Sefir left his native Tunisia for France four years ago, when he was 17. After a couple of years he moved to Italy, thinking, mistakenly, that it would be easier to obtain residency papers. Alone but for a friend who had come with him from France, he found odd jobs as a plumber and was able to support himself for about a year, until he was arrested in a crackdown on drug dealers. “I made a big mistake,” he says in a voice barely above a whisper. Tall but slight, with wavy dark hair, Sefir received a relatively short sentence of 14 months and expects to be sent back to Tunisia after his release. Like Jendoubi, he takes some comfort in his faith. Sefir says he is able to pray five times a day, as devout Muslims do, with little trouble. In fact, he finds it easier to pray inside jail than outside, where mosques are far away and tolerance more rare. “I have the time,” he says. “Once in a while, other prisoners make fun of me and ask me why I do it the way I do and why do I keep praying. But most people are respectful. “I pray mostly that God forgives me for what I’ve done.” Jendoubi, in his quest to save souls, sees far more hardened cases in Bollate. A greater number of young Muslim men in the prison are like Mohammed Derrag, 23, a heavily tattooed Moroccan. He does not pray at all, saying, “This is not the moment.” Derrag is caught between his family and heritage, which he acknowledges he has betrayed with his criminal ways, and the gritty world in which he survives. “I was born a Muslim and always will be a Muslim,” he says. “But my family prays. Not me.” Even some young immigrants who seem destined for better things can get caught up in a hard-luck underground. As baby-faced as Derrag is tough, Yunis Qabili, 19, landed in jail after being caught with friends who had drugs. Unlike most other inmates, Qabili has lived more than half his life in Italy with his parents and siblings, who arrived legally from Morocco. The teenager, who says he speaks better Italian than Arabic, worked as a mechanic. But he fell in with a bad crowd, and now he just wants to do his time (a year), get out and finish high school. “The police will say they don’t (discriminate), but I think they look more for Moroccans,” Qabili says, narrowing his eyes and taking a long drag on his cigarette. Mirroring friction on the streets, relations between Italian and immigrant prisoners are often strained. A recent — and not uncommon — brawl landed several inmates in the infirmary. In the prison’s gyms, cafeteria and library, the inmates usually divide into cliques. Muslims lift weights and exercise together, and share pork-free meals. Bulletin boards advertise Italian lessons for Arabic speakers. The library has copies of the Quran — as well as works by the Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci, known of late for her anti-Muslim screeds. For a while, the prison employed “cultural mediators” who could translate both language and cultural sensitivities, but there’s no budget for them anymore. None of the inmates at Bollate talks about waging jihad; one youth recoils physically and begins to shake when asked. But authorities in Italy, Spain, Britain and elsewhere in Europe are all too aware of the ease with which prison populations have become fodder for militant networks operating in their midst. Throughout Europe, some suspects in notorious cases, including the recent London bombings, are said to have been radicalized in prison, and a number of terrorist plots are known to have been hatched behind bars. Muktar Said Ibrahim, an Eritrean immigrant arrested in a failed bombing attempt in London in late July, obtained British citizenship in September 2004 despite having served a five-year prison sentence for armed robberies. He found Islam in the same penitentiary where radical imams converted Richard Reid, the convicted shoe-bomber of Jamaican descent imprisoned in the United States for trying to blow up a Paris-to-Miami flight. And so the delicate balance for wardens such as Lucia Castellano at Bollate is allowing inmates to practice their faith without letting the institution be used to recruit and indoctrinate extremists. “I’m a little scared of the imams,” she says. “They don’t speak Italian, we can’t understand them, and in Milan that can be quite dangerous.” As a consequence, and in the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, she has banned imams from outside the prison. Milan has long been known as a center of radical Islam, and one of its principal mosques was named by U.S. and Italian authorities as a likely European headquarters for al Qaeda. Instead, Castellano allows the Muslims in each cellblock to appoint an imam from among themselves. Still, the inability to understand the language being spoken in many cells is worrisome, says Castellano, a red-haired native of Naples, one of Italy’s toughest cities. Her office is decorated with Andy Warhol prints of Marilyn Monroe on one wall, a crucifix on another. “Each of my head guards can tell me who the boss (of the Muslim inmates) is on each floor,” she says. “It does not mean that they are terrorists, but they are organized. We are paying attention. We are watching.” But the warden and her guards can only guess at what devout prisoners such as Jendoubi are preaching. On the fourth floor of Building 1, Italian inmates are giving hard looks to the trio of Muslims gathered to pray in the room designated as a mosque. They keep their distance, smoking cigarettes. Jendoubi, the Tunisian, says he avoid
s the Italian inmates. But he praises the prison for allowing the Muslim inmates to pray. A carpenter by trade who has lived many years in Italy, he was not religious when he was sent to prison, he says, but has used his time in the three years since to study the Quran. Now he prays 12 times a day, sometimes rising well before dawn to do so. “I didn’t pray before,” says Jendoubi, who has a thin, graying beard. “But as I read more, I saw it was the right way.” On this particular midday, another Tunisian calls out the summons to prayer. He, Jendoubi and a third man then move inside the one-room mosque. The three men kneel on the small rugs and pray. They bow eastward, toward a window looking out on the cold gray concrete of the prison, and the walls topped with barbed wire.